Monday, May 18, 2020

3 Ways to Effectively Scale Online Learning








https://www.novoed.com/resources/blog/3-common-questions-to-effectively-scale-online-learning/?utm_campaign=Moving%20Training%20Online%20&utm_source=twitter&utm_medium=social



We’ve all been thrust into a new reality that has forced the cancellation of in-person training and has expedited the transition to online learning across the enterprise.
Not surprisingly, L&D leaders have been inundated with requests to launch and scale online training programs that are imperative to critical skill-building, employee engagement, and business growth and transformation. 

1. How do I plan for success ?

To Scale Big, First Start Small

Pick an initiative to start with:
  1. The most pressing – A canceled in-person training
  2. The program with the greatest impact – An initiative with the greatest impact on employee engagement or business performance
  3. The easiest program to transition online – An initiative that already has online components

Make a Plan!

  • Form a team
  • Identify your resources
  • Understand your technology
  • Define your timeline
  • Determine your content

By failing to prepare, you are preparing to fail.
John Wooden, Former UCLA Basketball Coach

Don’t Recreate the Wheel

Centralize and standardize
  • Decide on the length of your program
  • Build a common framework for your course content
  • Create content that can be reused – powerpoints, infographics, videos

2. How do I facilitate online with limited resources?

Don’t fear digital facilitation! You can be effective no matter how much time you have.

Choose Your Level of Facilitation

Train Conductor
  • Plan ahead and automate communications
  • Create an ‘Ask Me Anything’ discussion board so learners can easily seek help
Camp Counselor
  • Excite and engage learners with reflective emails that acknowledge and reinforce activity
  • Run engaging live events to connect the learning community
Coach
  • Keep learner motivation high with personal check-ins
  • Provide individualized feedback on projects
Learners with a coach are 56% more likely to complete an online course

3. How do I maintain engagement and feedback?

Interactive aspects of face-to-face training – group collaboration, mentoring & coaching, peer sharing, and feedback – can all be done online AND at scale.

Use Teams to Keep Engagement High

  • Assign teams & team leads
  • Create interest groups

Involve Mentors & Coaches

  • Involve learners’ managers
  • Recruit subject matter experts in your company

Incorporate Peer Sharing & Feedback

  • Encourage interaction by prompting questions in discussion forums
  • Create an assignment gallery where learners can share work
  • Encourage peer-to-peer feedback

Use Data to Track your Learning as it Scales

  • Number of active learners
  • Learner engagement
  • Discussion activity
  • Video views
  • Learner progress & completion

Sunday, May 17, 2020

Menyingkap Tabir HOAX Morowali.

copy dari WA Group SATU HATI

Menyingkap Tabir HOAX Morowali.

Adalah PT Indonesia Morowali Industrial Park (IMIP) yang disebut-sebut dalam hoax Morowali tersebut. Dari yang awalnya sebatas isu Tenaga Kerja Asing (TKA) asal Cina, lalu berkembang lebih liar lagi semisal adanya larangan beribadah (sholat), dan larangan penggunaan jilbab untuk para karyawati yang beragama Islam.

Entah apa tujuan dari isu-isu yang dibuat oleh oknum tidak bertanggung jawab tersebut, tapi yang jelas, isu tersebut harus dijernihkan, dan diluruskan beritanya. Salah satu caranya adalah dengan melakukan fact check ke lapangan, atau observasi langsung ke sumbernya, dan itulah yang saya lakukan bersama beberapa kawan aktivis.

Dari hasil penelusuran yang kami lakukan di IMIP, baik melalui pengamatan di area kerja, maupun audiensi dengan banyak pihak, mulai dari para pekerja hingga ke jajaran direksi, maka saya sampaikan beberapa poin isu dan faktanya sebagai berikut :

1) Isu soal banyaknya TKA asal Cina.

Fakta: Jumlah TKA di IMIP adalah 3.148 orang dari total karyawan yang berjumlah 30.428. Itu artinya, jumlah TKA hanya sekitar 10% dari keseluruhan karyawan, dan itu jelas tidak melanggar batas ketentuan peraturan dan perundang-undangan yang berlaku.

2) Isu soal adanya pelarangan beribadah (sholat) bagi pekerja.

Fakta : Perlu diketahui bahwa di dalam kawasan IMIP itu terdapat 4 masjid dan 20 mushola yang setiap bulan mampu mengumpulkan dana infak jamaahnya hingga 200 juta rupiah.

Nah, bagaimana mungkin dana infak sebesar itu dapat terkumpul kl tidak ada jamaah yg sholat di sana ?

3) Isu soal pelarangan jilbab.

Fakta: Para pekerja wanita yang kami temui membantah isu tersebut, dan kami juga melihat langsung bahwa banyak sekali pekerja wanita yang berjilbab. Semua itu bisa dibuktikan melalui foto-foto yang menyertai tulisan ini.

4) Isu soal demo TKA.

Fakta : Tidak ada demo TKA, yang melakukan demo kemarin adalah para pekerja lokal terkait permintaan kenaikan gaji pokok. Terkait hal ini, jajaran direksi mengabulkan angka maksimal kenaikan sebesar 13% dari 20% yang dituntut pekerja lokal.

5) Isu soal TKA yang dipekerjakan pada jenis pekerjaan kasar.

Fakta : TKA asal Cina yang berada di sana hampir seluruhnya bekerja sebagai operator alat yang memang berteknologi asal Cina. Mereka sekaligus bertindak sebagai trainer bagi pekerja lokal dalam rangka alih teknologi.

Makanya, dari waktu ke waktu jumlah TKA akan semakin berkurang, sehingga pada tahun 2023 diproyeksikan hanya akan ada 5% (maksimal) TKA dari total karyawan 100.000 orang.

6) Isu Jokowi mengundang Cina untuk menguasai aset Indonesia (IMIP)

Fakta : IMIP berdiri pada 19 September 2013 yang merupakan tindak lanjut dari penandatanganan perjanjian B to B di hadapan Presiden SBY dan Presiden Xi Jinping di hotel Shangrila Jakarta pada 3 Oktober 2013, yang sekaligus dalam rangka mematuhi UU Nomor.4 Tahun 2009 tentang Mineral dan Batubara yang menetapkan larangan ekspor mineral mentah mulai 12 Januari 2014.

Nah, semua itu terjadi sebelum era pemerintahan Presiden Jokowi.

7) Isu TKA digaji lebih tinggi dari TKI.

Fakta : IMIP adalah perusahaan profesional di bidangnya, dan sebagaimana perusahaan-perusahaan lain, mereka memiliki standar pengupahan yang merujuk kepada aturan ketenagakerjaan, termasuk di dalamnya standar keahlian dan jabatan.

Di IMIP gaji awal untuk lulusan SMA ada di kisaran angka 4,2 juta, masih sedikit lebih tinggi dari upah rata-rata nasional yang berada di angka 3 jutaan.

8. Isu soal TKA Cina yang disembunyikan bila ada kunjungan pihak luar ke IMIP.

Fakta : Sistem kerja di IMIP itu dibagi ke dalam 3 shift karena beroperasi penuh 24 jam, dan sementara IMIP sendiri terdiri dari beberapa perusahaan di dalamnya. Jumlah TKA yang sekitar 3 ribuan itu hanya sekitar seribuan dalam tiap shiftnya, dan itupun terbagi lagi ke dalam beberapa perusahaan.

Jadi bukanlah hal yang mengherankan ketika anda berkunjung ke IMIP, mengelilingi area kerjanya, anda akan jarang berjumpa dengan mereka, padahal area kawasan IMIP itu luas banget sekitar 2.000 hektar.

9) Isu soal adanya bahan makanan yang tidak layak makan pada menu makan karyawan.

Fakta : Bagian Dapur di IMIP itu besar dengan peralatan-peralatan penunjang yang lengkap semisal lemari pendingin untuk menyimpan daging, buah atau sayur-mayur. Jadi tidak masuk akal kalau mereka menggunakan bahan-bahan yang telah rusak.

Sebagai catatan tambahan :

1. Keberadaan IMIP juga membawa dampak keuntungan bagi masyarakat sekitar. Misal, saat ini banyak warga yang memiliki kontrakan atau tempat kost bagi karyawan IMIP dengan jumlah sewa sebesar 1jt/bulan. Sewa yg mahal sebetulnya, jika mengingat fasilitas yang tersedia di sana.

2. IMIP juga membangun fasilitas kesehatan berupa Poliklinik yang melayani masyarakat umum dengan cuma-cuma alias gratis. Anggaran yg disedikan IMIP untuk Poliklinik ini mencapai 1,2 sampai 1,4 milyar perbulannya, dimana 700juta adalah dana yg dikeluarkan untuk pengadaan obat2an bagi hampir 400 pasien perhari.

3. Pajak perusahaan yang diterima negara setiap tahun dari IMIP juga besar sekali, yaitu 4 trilyun rupiah (2018), dan estimasi pada 2019 akan berkisar di angka 4,8 trilyun rupiah.

4. IMIP juga merupakan kawasan industri yang mandiri. Ini bisa dibuktikan dengan adanya fasilitas pendukung kawasan seperti pelabuhan khusus, bandara khusus, pengolahan air, pabrik oksigen, dan PLTU sendiri, dan smelter

5. IMIP juga bekerja sama dengan Politeknik Industri Logam Morowali yang pendiriannya atas inisiasi Kementrian Perindustrian, dimana mahasiswa pada semester 4 & 5 akan melakukan magang di IMIP atau selama 1 tahun penuh.

Gimana, masih mau percaya hoax ?

Kpn Kita bisa maju.?

Ketinggalanlah selamanya klu dibiarkan Pengkhianat2 itu terus tebar Teror.🇮🇩🙏

Edison Abdulaziz

Sunday, May 10, 2020

Indonesia Etc.: Exploring the Improbable Nation – review

https://www.theguardian.com/books/2014/jul/24/indonesia-etc-exploring-improbable-nation-elizabeth-pisani-review
Misha Glenny
Thu 24 Jul 2014 



Nation states did not accrue great power in the 19th and 20th centuries by making concessions to the regions that constitute them. Central power has usually monitored centrifugal tendencies very closely, and clamped down on them if feeling threatened. If one piece of the puzzle goes flying off in a different direction, the whole is seriously weakened – as the prime minister will doubtless discover if Scotland votes for independence.

What was it that bound Catholic Bavaria to Protestant Prussia? It clearly wasn't religion, or language. One could argue that they shared a fearful memory of the destruction wrought during the Thirty Years War in the first half of the 17th century. Or that Bismarck steered them into a pragmatic union.
Whatever it was, the builders of Germany felt it necessary and desirable to devise and nurture a series of myths that most of their constituent parts felt able to share. This pattern has been repeated around the globe in the past two centuries, and shared myths of nationhood come thick and fast in the form of inter alia national anthems, a manicured or mendacious version of the past, and the elevation of people who supposedly represent the best of a country, not always deservedly. Occasionally, the task is too great: since Franco's death, the Spanish people have given up trying to write lyrics to the national anthem because the regions cannot agree on what sentiments they should express.
New nation states also had to ensure that the regions would support central government. They can do so by offering incentives, political or economic; they can use force; or they can suggest how, without the support of the centre, the periphery could be vulnerable to outside predators.
"Exploring the Improbable Nation" is the subtitle of Elizabeth Pisani's Indonesia Etc. At first, I thought this ill‑advised, as I think you can make a case for all nations being improbable in their own ways. But I soon saw that she had a point, and it would even have been fair to call it something like the Really Improbable Nation or the Ludicrously Improbable Nation.
This is a country of between 13,500 and 17,000 islands, depending on whose figures you believe. About 6,000 of them are inhabited, and they stretch over 5,200km, from Sumatra in the north-west to Papua in the south-east. These host hundreds of different languages, five recognised religions (plus many unrecognised ones) and dozens of ethnicities. Indonesian, a form of Malay, is the lingua franca, which has consolidated its position in the last two decades thanks to the spread of television and the popularity of local sinetrons, or soap operas.
Java makes up 7% of the country's landmass, yet is home to 60% of the country's 260 million inhabitants. Since independence the Javanese have been by far the most influential group. The two towering figures of postwar politics, Presidents Sukarno and Suharto, were Javanese, and in many ways their perception of Java blurred with their perception of Indonesia, not unlike how many English feel about Britain.
More recently, Indonesia's farming, mineral and industrial potential has elevated it to one of Jim O'Neill's MINTs (with Mexico, Nigeria and Turkey), the tigerish developing powers whose current economic dazzle, O'Neill suggests, is now brighter than that of his earlier acronym, the BRICS. The country's importance politically and economically increases steadily. Its size and its strategic significance, as one of the countries through which the Straits of Malacca run, ensure it will play a key role in the unfolding territorial disputes in the South China sea.
But back to its improbable nature and indeed that "Etc". In her prologue, Pisani writes that when "the country's founding fathers declared independence from Dutch colonists in 1945, the declaration read: 'We, the people of Indonesia, hereby declare the independence of Indonesia. Matters relating to the transfer of power etc. will be executed carefully and as soon as possible.' Indonesia has been working that 'etc.' ever since."
It is a delightfully casual way of asserting a country's independence, but that insouciance also suggests the leaders of the new country had only a vague idea about wherein its identity lay. The only reason for this disparate archipelago to regard itself as a unit was a rather negative one – all the islands were part of the colonial system underpinned by the Dutch East India Company and the Dutch government.
For just over a year, Pisani wandered the country in order to find out if there was any more to Indonesia's identity than this rather modest 'etc'. She had lived in Jakarta in the late 1980s as a young correspondent for Reuters, and speaks Indonesian well. Only a tenth of the inhabitants speak it as their mother tongue but almost all speak it fluently as a second language. From the book it seems Pisani is as well-versed in it as most of them.
Her second trump is her indefatigability and her willingness to embrace the modest lifestyles most Indonesians enjoy outside Jakarta and the other large cities. She is relentlessly curious and able to strike up not just conversations but entire friendships with a range of people. Sometimes she is invited to stay in people's homes for days or weeks, sleeping on her trusty portable mat. At other times, she is squeezed under a tarpaulin on a packed ferry. Her ability to pitch up anywhere and grasp the essence of the place is truly impressive.
What this means is that while this book is low on dates, statistics and historical analysis, it does give a vivid sense of what Indonesia feels, smells, and tastes like. She journeys from villagers who joust on horseback in balletic circular movements on one island to another where the fishermen's clan hang whale meat out to dry after catching it using ancient techniques.
By doing so she decodes the peculiar bonds of family, clan, village and island that the Indonesians have developed over centuries, and which have mutated in an independent state. There have been many agents of this, but perhaps most important are the "transmigrants", a term reserved for the (usually) Javanese civil servants who have spread through the islands in order to confer a sense of Indonesian-ness.
The Indonesian dictator, Suharto, is probably best known outside the country for the orgy of anti-communist violence that brought him to power in 1965, the Year of Living Dangerously. Through her meticulous, colourful and often funny examination of several communities and how they have developed since the late 1980s, Pisani shows how Suharto's fall in 1998 also signalled the end of the state-sponsored supremacy of Javanese culture.
East Timor, a former Portuguese colony annexed by Jakarta in 1975, was able to exploit this to gain independence, while the brutal fight between separatists and government in the Sumatran province of Aceh came to an end when both sides agreed to a compromise after 2004's tsunami. Decentralisation has been an important force in the re-invention of Indonesia.
The uncertainty following Suharto's death did trigger some nasty conflicts around the archipelago. But although Pisani cannot really explain all of Indonesia's et ceteras, she does project a more optimistic and warmer picture of a fascinating country than most outside commentators. For anyone about to visit the place, her book is an essential companion.
I also suspect that it will be eagerly read in Indonesia itself. The country is so spread out, and getting around so difficult, that many Indonesians have little idea about what goes on in the rest of their country.

'Biggest invisible thing on earth?' – It's called Indonesia, and it's waking up

https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2016/nov/21/biggest-invisible-thing-on-earth-indonesia-waking-up?CMP=share_btn_fb

Mon 21 Nov 2016 00.50 GMT

The world can’t afford to ignore this diverse archipelago any longer – its eager and savvy democracy, big workforce and brightening outlook demand attention

Joko Widodo addresses a crowd in Jakarta during the 2014 election campaign that saw him elected as Indonesia’s president.
Joko Widodo addresses a crowd in Jakarta during the 2014 election campaign that saw him elected president. Photograph: HKV/Barcroft Media

Looking for fun on a rainy afternoon? Try this: take a blow-up globe down to your nearest public space – a shopping mall, perhaps, or a train station – and ask people to find Indonesia, the world’s fourth most populous nation.
I’ve tried it in London, New York and Rio. The response: “Uuuuuuuhh …”
Much stroking of chins and scratching of heads. “Somewhere around here, maybe,” accompanied by vague hand gestures towards Indochina or south Asia.
If you’re in Melbourne or Sydney you may have more luck. But even there, interest in Indonesia per se is muted. In the words of an editor at Penguin Australia: “Despite [Indonesia] being a profoundly important near neighbour of ours, I feel our market would need an Australian angle on the country.”
Despite being a country of superlatives – most populous Muslim-majority nation, biggest exporter of numerous commodities dug or grown out of its generous earth, one of the world’s most enthusiastic users of Twitter and Facebook – Indonesia also remains, in the words of Indonesian businessman John Riady, the biggest invisible thing on the planet.
This is despite the cheerleading of brokers and business consultants who point to Indonesia’s young population, its rapid urbanisation and its huge market of enthusiastic consumers as reasons for foreign investors to pay it more attention.

I’ve been hearing those same arguments since I first covered Indonesia for Reuters and the Economist in the late 1980s. Over the intervening three decades, per-capita income in Indonesia did indeed rise steeply to $3,300, over five times its level when I first lived there.
Which is great, but not as great as Thailand or Vietnam (between seven and eight times higher), let alone China (where per capita income is now close to $8,000 a year, 26 times its 1985 value).
For a country that has such extraordinary natural resources, and such an abundance of labour, Indonesia is arguably underperforming economically. This is in part because the scatter of its 7,000 inhabited islands creates extraordinary infrastructure challenges, in part because a torpid bureaucracy squashes innovation, and in (large) part because Indonesia’s miasmic legal system means no contract is secure.
The much vaunted “demographic dividend” will not deliver the pot of gold at the end of the Indonesian rainbow until all three of these things change. Now, for the first time since a brave but ill-prepared Indonesia declared its independence from Dutch colonists in 1945, at least two of these changes are under way. That’s no small achievement in a nation as kaleidoscopic as Indonesia, where there are almost as many ethnicities, languages and belief systems as there are islands. The improvements in both infrastructure and governance are especially worthy of global attention because they are being propelled by the twin engines of democracy and decentralisation, both relatively new to Indonesians.
Having lived through 45 years of virtual dictatorship, Indonesians are now rowdily democratic, directly electing everyone from their village head up to the president. Some politicians still hand out cash for ballots, but Indonesian citizens even in the remotest villages have a remarkably acute understanding of the twists and turns of politics.
Jakarta governor Ahok campaigning for re-election. He has been named as a suspect in a blasphemy investigation.
Jakarta governor Ahok campaigning for re-election. He has been named as a suspect in a blasphemy investigation. Photograph: Darren Whiteside/Reuters
“They think we’re idiots, that they can buy our votes,” commented a fisherman in North Sulawesi last month of the politicians who are already campaigning ahead of next year’s district elections. “Of course we take the cash, we’ll take it from all of them, but we vote with our heads.” Political elites who expect bribery or blind populism to trump all else in Indonesia are often left flummoxed, and, increasingly, out of power.
Indonesia’s democratic rebirth came with what some see as a second wave of decolonisation. For the first five and a half decades of its existence, the nation was firmly ruled from the capital Jakarta, largely for the benefit of the 60% of Indonesians who are squashed in to the single island of Java.
The resentment this caused contributed to the 1998 downfall of the country’s second leader, Suharto, after 32 years in power. There followed a “big bang” decentralisation that turned Indonesia’s many geographic, cultural and ethnic fiefdoms from vassals of the central government in Jakarta into quasi-autonomous democracies.
Among the many votes Indonesians now cast, the one that affects their lives most directly is that for district head or mayor. Voters laughingly refer to these local potentates as “little Sultans” because they are so powerful. They make most of the important decisions about education, healthcare and local infrastructure; they dole out jobs and contracts, regulate entertainment, and negotiate the transport routes that are all-important in an island nation.
Though Indonesia’s current president, Joko Widodo, known as Jokowi, has made much of his support for infrastructure development, it is driven less by a well-planned push from Jakarta than by active demand from politicians directly elected in district and provincial governments. Though progress is slow, those demands are gradually overcoming the hurdles raised by the country’s geography.
Decentralisation has had an effect on innovation-squashing bureaucracy also, though not all of it good. In many areas, district governments have simply pasted cumbersome new layers on to an already dysfunctional administrative system.
But in a few districts, adventurous politicians have experimented with radical reforms: they require civil servants to show up on time, to treat citizens with respect, to do their jobs without being bribed. These individuals have become local heroes and media darlings: their popularity has in many cases provided a springboard to higher office, including the presidency. Jokowi rose from small-town mayor to governor of Jakarta and on to the presidency on the strength of his no-nonsense approach to local government.
However, neither decentralised democracy nor Jokowi himself have managed an assault on the third major hurdle to Indonesia’s self-actualisation: the legal quagmire referred to by his predecessor as the “judicial mafia”.
The judiciary, still bruised after the 2013 conviction on corruption charges of the highest judge in the land, will be in the global spotlight again as it considers a blasphemy investigation opened against the Jakarta governor, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (known as Ahok).
If he is charged, a transparent trial and a fair verdict would signal the beginning of improvements in the legal landscape. That, more than anything, would make Indonesia a country to watch in eager anticipation of a destiny of global greatness soon to be fulfilled.
Elizabeth Pisani is author of Indonesia Etc: Exploring the Improbable Nation



Wednesday, May 06, 2020

SI CANTIK MOROWALI

https://threadreaderapp.com/thread/1257987751992942592.html
Profile picture
thread by Nita @__MV_llestari__
Apa yang akan kita pikirkan bila ditahun 2025 nanti ada 1000 mobil listrik dapat diproduksi setiap harinya dan itu baru dari Morowali saja?
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Mau tak mau ada rasa bangga disana. Entah itu hanya sedikit dan terselip jauh dalam benak kita, namun rasa itu pasti ada.

Bagaimana bila 1000 mobil listrik perhari yg dapat kita produksi itu ternyata mendekati angka 20% total produksi yg dapat dihasilkan dunia?

Waaah..., mentereng kita...!!

Apa yang akan kita pikirkan bila pada tahun 2025 nanti akan ada lebih dari 100.000 orang dapat bekerja di Morowali?

Jelas..,ini adalah berita yg sangat menggembirakan bagi masyarakat. Ini berita yang akan membuat semangat, bahwa kita akan bangkit.

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Lantas bagaimana bila diantara 100.000 tenaga kerja yang dapat diciptakan di Morowali ada sekitar 15.000 adalah pekerja asing dan kebanyakan adalah China?

PKI...!! TOLAAAAK..!!

Itulah realitas yang ada.

Aneh bin ajaib, kita buka bengkel service motor di kampung sebelah syaratnya bengkel boleh dibangun, tapi pekerjanya kudu warga kampung itu. Bangkrut dah...!!

Ada yg namanya proses transformasi keahlian disana. Gak semua orang kampung bisa dan mau bekerja sebagai mekanik.

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Alih kepandaian ini pasti butuh waktu.

Disisi lain, pasti ada bagian-bagian tertentu yang tak mungkin diberikan kepada orang lokal dan itu adalah sebuah kewajaran.

Sebelum Jokowi menjadi Presiden, Morowali mungkin adalah nama asing.

Mungkin juga bahkan banyak orang tak mengetahui bahwa itu adalah nama sebuah kota.

Hingar bingar pertama adalah isu luar biasa santer saat pilpres yang lalu tentang ribuan TKA China demi kampanye negatif bagi Jokowi.

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Sekarang cerita sudah berbeda. Semua kenal Morowali seolah sebagai ujung tombak kemajuan negara kita. Nikel menjadi bintang bersinar.

Bayangkan, seorang Elon Musk, pendiri Tesla dan CATL berkongsi dengan LG, VW hingga Mercedez menyatakan keinginannya berinvestasi di Morowali. 
Elon Musk sang Iron Man didunia nyata pemilik Tesla kepincut dengan Morowali. Disana ada harta berharga milik rakyat Indonesia yang mampu membuat Elon Musk berlutut, seolah menggenggam seikat mawar, dia meminangnya.

Dulu, Morowali memang bukan siapa-siapa.
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Semua menoleh kepadanya setelah dia didandani dengan Undang-Undang No.4 tahun 2019. Peraturan yang melarang penjualan nickel ore, nikel dalam bentuk bongkahan yang belum mendapat sentuhan apapun.

Peraturan itu membuat Uni Eropa (EU) marah dan menggugat Indonesia di WTO. 
Indonesia bergeming. Tekad mempercantik Morowali sudah bulat.

Disanalah Morowali mulai didandani. Bak si cantik tanpa tanding, dia hanya siap bersanding dengan siapapun yang serius dan sungguh-sungguh demi masa depannya.
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Didandani dengan regulasi dan insentif pajak yang menguntungkan kedua pihak secara adil, puluhan pangeran berebut mendapatkan perhatiannya.

Plintat plintut kamu...! Kalau Elon Musk yang investasi kenapa yang datang dan kerja China haa..??
Sama dengan Indonesia saat ini yang akan belajar menerima transfer tehnologi dari China, China mendapatkan pengetahuan tentang metalurgi dan permesinan dari Jerman.

Elektronika dari Korea dan Jepang.

Tehnik pertambangan dari Israel.
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Tak ada yang gratis disana, semua ada biayanya. Semua ada hitung-hitungannya. Ada bentuk kerjasama yang telah menyatukan mereka.

Mereka melakukan bisnis dengan banyak negara yang telah lebih dahulu maju. Mereka memiliki banyak perusahaan yang dimiliki secara bersama.
Bisnis tak kenal warna kulit.
Duit juga tidak mengenal mata sipit dan belo.

Hanya otak sakit saja yang masih sibuk dengan hal seperti itu dimasa kini.
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Baik Tesla, Mercedes, VW hingga LG adalah perusahaan multinasional. Mereka memiliki perusahaan di China dengan operator China dan pekerja berbangsa China pula. Apakah setiap orang bermata sipit dan berkebangsaan China selalu membawa bendera Tiongkok?
"Apa hebatnya kalau yang dibuat hanya baterai mobil?" hanya baterai mobil?"
Banyak pabrik di China yang akan dan sedang melakukan relokasi ke Morowali. Morowali sungguh menjadi seperti gula bagi para pelaku industri.
Morowali seolah sedang menuju takdirnya sebagai bintang baru di dunia industri berteknologi tinggi.
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Stainless steel, slab, nickel pick iron, verro chrome, carbon steel dan CRC Carbon atas berbagai ragam produk industri berbasis nikel dan bauksit adalah produk yang akan dibuat oleh pabrik yang telah siap relokasi. 
Produk olahan cobalt serta lithium kan dijadikan sbg bahan baku pembuatan baterai utk kendaraan listrik.
Nikel Laterit utk memenuhi kebutuhan lithium generasi kedua yakni generasi yg kedua baterai super canggih berbasis lithium yg akan mjd produk unggulan berskala internasional
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Dan ingat...itu buatan Indonesia.

Dan..., salah satu pabrik pembuat microchip sebagai mata rantai dunia pemasok kebutuhan tehnologi super canggih utk Samsung, Apple Mercedes, hingga Airbus pun telah siap memilih Morowali sebagai rumahnya.

Ini seperti mimpi.
Kebijakan pemerintah dibawah Jokowilah yang membuat semua ini bisa terwujud. Insting bisnis dan mata jelinya siap membawa bangsa ini maju dengan sangat pesat.
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Nikel sabagai harta luar biasa berharga sebagai anugerah bangsa ditambah dengan regulasi dan insentif yang dijadikan kebijakan telah membuat mereka berlomba.
Pemulihan ekonomi akibat bencana seolah menemukan jalan terang. Disana jalur itu semakin terlihat jelas. Kita hanya perlu mengikuti jalan itu...

Siapkah kita?
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